Proto-Ryukyuan language

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Proto-Ryukyuan
Reconstruction ofRyukyuan languages
RegionJapan, possibly in Kyushu or Tokara islands[citation needed]
Reconstructed
ancestor
Lower-order reconstructions
  • Proto-Amami-Okinawa/Proto-Northern-Ryukyuan
  • Proto-Sakishima

Proto-Ryukyuan is the reconstructed ancestor of the Ryukyuan languages, probably associated with the Gusuku culture in the early second millennium AD.[citation needed]

Background

Main article: Ryukyuan languages

The modern Ryukyuan languages are spoken on the Ryukyu Islands, from the Amami Islands to Yonaguni. All Ryukyuan varieties are endangered.[citation needed]

Classification

Pellard (2009:249-275) gives a list of innovations in mainland Japanese and Ryukyuan, with some redocumented by Pellard (2015:15). For instance, in Ryukyuan, the general word for "body" is *do C, and has been grammaticalized into a reflexive pronoun. The Ryukyuan languages also exhibit a semantic shift "intestines" > "belly" of PJ *wata B. However, Japanese also has some innovations not in Ryukyuan, such as the word otoko "man" < "young boy", kami "hair" < "top".[1]

"Kyushu-Ryukyuan" hypothesis

There are some innovations shared with Ryukyuan and Kyushu dialects that have not been found in other mainland Japanese dialects. For instance, Yōsuke Igarashi (2018) claims that an innovation of Kyushu-Ryukyuan is to change kami-nidan verbs (-i(2)-) to shimo-nidan verbs (-e(2)-), a grammatical change of -kara from a ablative marker to a locative marker, and some vocabulary items (usually species) only found in such dialects. However, Pellard (2021) attempts refutes the hypothesis, citing typological and cross-linguistic reasons.

Phonology

Consonants

The following consonants can be reconstructed for Proto-Ryukyuan:[2]

Proto-Ryukyuan consonants
Bilabial Alveolar Palatal Velar
Nasal *m *n
Stop *p, *b *t, *d *k
Fricative *s, *z
Tap *r [ɾ]
Approximant *w *j
  • Proto-Japonic *-p- generally lenites to *-w-, as in PJ *kapa 'river' > PR *kawa 'well'[citation needed] It is irregularly preserved in some words, mostly adjectives, which lead Thorpe to suggest a geminate consonant blocking lenition.[3][4] However, nouns that don't sound emphatic also receive this irregular conservatism.
  • Approximants in proto-Japonic preceding a high vowel are merged to a zero consonant in proto-Ryukyuan, such as PJ *upai 'above' > *uwe > PR *ue. [5]
  • No Ryukyuan dialects preserve the yotsugana distinction; in this case, it means that older *di ~ *zi and *du ~ *zu merge as *zi and *zu.[6]
    • One possible exception is that a special word for "to take off (clothes)" exists in very few Miyako dialects[6] (< *padok-): e.g. Hirara /padukɿ/.[7][8] The regular conventions of proto-Ryukyuan would require an irregular change in the consonant *zu- > *do-.

Reconstructing approximants

Main article: Proto-Japonic language § Consonants

Vowels

The following vowels can be reconstructed for Proto-Ryukyuan:[9]

Proto-Ryukyuan vowels
Front Central Back
Close *i *u
Mid *e *o
Open *a

All Ryukyuan languages have raised the mid-vowels *e and *o, but not all have merged these sounds with *i and *u. It is even possible the mid-vowels were already raised in Proto-Ryukyuan, but still distinct from the original high vowels. The dialects go through different developments depending on the preceding consonant. In various Northern Ryukyuan dialects, *i will often palatalize the preceding consonant.[10] To give an example, Shuri ʔitɕi 'pond'[11] < PR *ike, but Shuri ʔiku- 'how many?'[12] < PR *eku.

Some Old Okinawan texts can preserve the distinction of Proto-Ryukyuan mid-vowels. For instance, the Old Okinawan anthology Omoro Sōshi records the word for "snow; hail[13]" as yoki 15 times, while yuki is only recorded once. This may suggest that the proto-form of such word had a mid-vowel *o.[14]

Reflexes of PR *i, *e, *u, and *o[15]
Proto-Ryukyuan Amami (Koniya) Okinawa (Nakijin-Yonamine) Miyako (Ōgami) Yaeyama (Ishigaki-Shika) Yonaguni
*i ʔi, N ˀi, ʲi, N ɿ,[16] ɯ, s, N, ∅ ɿ, N, ∅ i, N, ∅
*e ʰɨ, i ʰi, i i i i
*u ˀu, N u, N u, N, ∅ u, N, ∅ u, N, ∅
*o ʰu u u u u
Examples of PR *i, *e, *u, and *o[17]
Gloss Proto-Ryukyuan[18] Amami (Koniya)[19] Okinawa (Nakijin-Yonamine) Miyako (Ōgami)[20] Yaeyama (Ishigaki-Shika) Yonaguni
daytime *piru çiɾ pˀiɾuː psː-ma pɿːɾɿ tsˀuː
garlic *peru ɸɨɾ pʰiɾuː piɯ piŋ çiɾu
horse *uma mˀaː mˀaː mmɑ mma mma
sea[21] *omi ʔumi ʔumi im iŋ ~ umɿ iŋ ~ unnaga
mortar *{u|o}su ʔusɨ ʔuɕi us usɿ utɕi
medicine *kusori kusuɾ kʰusui ffuɯ ɸuɕiɾɿ tsˀuɾi

Proto-Ryukyuan merged the Proto-Japonic diphthong *əi > *e, as in PJ *kəi "tree" > PR *ke "id.", PJ *əkəi- "to get up" > PR *oke- "id."

Prosody

Proto-Ryukyuan has at least three reconstructed tone classes, classified as class A, B, and C respectively. Class A regularly corresponds to the initial high register in Middle Japanese.

The correspondences of class B and C are somewhat complex. While both can regularly correspond to the initial low register in Middle Japanese, there exists a split that exists for the following low register accent classes in Middle Japanese:[22] class 2.3, 2.4, 2.5, 3.4, and 3.5. Accent classes 3.6 and 3.7 almost always correspond to class C in Ryukyuan.

Most dialects often have a penultimate tone on a class C noun, such as the Kametsu dialect in Toku-no-Shima, the Nakijin-Yonamine dialect of Nakijin, and the Tarama-Nakasuji dialect of Miyako (in carrier phrases only). On the other hand, some dialects, such as the Asama dialect in Toku-no-Shima, and the Shuri dialect in Okinawa, exhibit long vowels of the penultimate syllable; for Shuri, it is only exhibited in disyllables.[citation needed]

There has been no unproblematic explanation for why there has been a split in classes B and C in Proto-Ryukyuan for the aforementioned accent classes, so this split has been typically projected back to Proto-Japonic.[23][24] The Kishima dialect of Saga has been reported to have a tonal split in class 2.5 nouns that correspond to the Ryukyuan tone class split.[23]

Grammar

Vocabulary

Thorpe (1983) reconstructs the following pronouns in Proto-Ryukyuan. For the first person, the singular and plural are assumed based on the Yonaguni reflex.

  • *a, 'I' (singular)
  • *wa 'we' (plural)
  • *u, *e 'you' (singular)
  • *uja, *ura 'you' (plural)
Ryukyuan numerals
Proto-Ryukyuan Amami Ōshima (Yuwan)[25] Shuri (Okinawa)[26] Ishigaki (Yaeyama)[27] Miyako Yonaguni[28]
1 *pito tïː- tiː- pitiː- pitiː- tˀu-
2 *puta taː- taː- futaː- ftaː- tˀa-
3 *mi miː- miː- miː- miː- miː-
4 *yo juː- juː- juː- juː- duː-
5 *[i/e]tu ɨtsɨ- ici- itsɨ- itss- ici-
6 *mu muː- muː- muː- mm- muː-
7 *nana nana- nana- nana- nana- nana-
8 *ya jaa- jaa- jaː- jaa- daa-
9 *kokono kuːnu- kukunu- kukunu- kkunu- kuɡunu-
10 *towo tuː tuː tuː tuː tuː

Pellard (2015) reconstructs the following cultural vocabulary words for Proto-Ryukyuan:

  • *kome B 'rice'
  • *mai A 'rice'
  • *ine B 'rice plant'
  • *momi A 'unhulled rice'
  • *mogi B 'wheat'
  • *awa B 'foxtail millet'
  • *kimi B 'broomcorn millet'
  • *umo B 'taro, yam'
  • *patake C 'field'
  • *ta B 'rice paddy'
  • *usi A 'cow'
  • *uwa C 'pig'
  • *uma B 'horse'
  • *tubo A 'pot'
  • *kame C 'jar'
  • *pune C 'boat'
  • *po A 'sail'
  • *ijako B 'paddle'

References

  1. ^ According to Martin (1987:435), "hair" and "top" belong to different accentual registers; the former being classes 2.3 (LL) and the latter being class 2.4 (LH).
  2. ^ Igarashi (2022), pp. 237–238.
  3. ^ Thorpe (1983), p. 60-61.
  4. ^ Kenan, 2024 & 83.
  5. ^ Igarashi (2022), pp. 237.
  6. ^ a b Celik, 2024 & 84.
  7. ^ Originally written in the notation as パドゥキゥ [padukï]. However, even in Hirayama's notation of the Miyako vowels, it is actually supposed to be written as padukˢï.
  8. ^ Hirayama (1992), p. 3825.
  9. ^ Thorpe (1983), p. 31.
  10. ^ Thorpe (1983), pp. 51–53.
  11. ^ National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics (2001), p. 246.
  12. ^ National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics (2001), p. 254.
  13. ^ In Ryukyuan languages, it generally refers to hail.
  14. ^ Pellard (2008), p. 147.
  15. ^ Pellard (2013), pp. 85–86.
  16. ^ This is a special vowel in Miyako, variously described as apical, laminal, or fricative vowel.
  17. ^ Pellard (2013), pp. 84–85.
  18. ^ It is actually Proto-Japonic forms given, but there should be little to no noticable sound changes from Proto-Japonic to Proto-Ryukyuan in these words.
  19. ^ Forms for "horse" and "sea" are cited according to Uchima and Arakaki (2000:371). The original IPA spelling in the source for "horse" in Koniya was [ʔmaː].
  20. ^ Forms for "horse" and "sea" are cited according to Pellard (2009:70, 304).
  21. ^ The word had undergone an irregular fronting of the first vowel in Sakishima dialects.
  22. ^ The initial number denotes the number of morae in a noun. The number following the period is the accent class.
  23. ^ a b Pellard (2023), p. 14.
  24. ^ Igarashi (2021), p. 254.
  25. ^ Numerals for counting inanimates.
  26. ^ Shimoji (2012), p. 357.
  27. ^ Miyagi (2003).
  28. ^ Izuyama (2012), p. 429.

Bibliography

  • Celik, Kenan (2024). "UniCog: A Framework Proposal for the Dynamic Compilation of Comparative Data for the Reconstruction of proto-Ryukyuan". NINJAL Research Papers (in Japanese). 26. doi:10.15084/0002000156.
  • Hattori, Shirō (2018). 日本祖語の再建 [Reconstruction of Proto-Japanese] (in Japanese). Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten. ISBN 9784000612685.
  • Hirayama, Teruo (1986). 琉球奄美方言の基礎語彙の総合的研究 [A Study of the Basic Vocabulary of the Amami Dialects in Ryukyuan] (in Japanese). Tokyo: Kadokawa. ISBN 4-04-022200-8.
  • Hirayama, Teruo (1992–1994). 現代日本語方言大辞典 [Dictionary of Japanese Dialects] (in Japanese). Tokyo: Meiji Shoin.
  • Igarashi, Yōsuke (2018). "分岐学的手法に基づいた日本語・琉球語諸方言の系統分類の試み" [An attempt at the systematic classification of Japanese and Ryukyuan Languages using cladistic methods]. フィールドと文献から見る日琉諸語の系統と歴史.
  • Igarashi, Yōsuke (2021). "Reconstruction of Ryukyuan tone classes of Middle Japanese Class 2.4 and 2.5 nouns". Open Linguistics. 8 (1). De Gruyter: 232–257. doi:10.1515/opli-2022-0193.
  • Igarashi, Yōsuke (2022). "琉球語・八丈語以外の非中央語系ジャポニック諸語の系統" [Classification of non-central Japanese Languages]. 言語系統樹ワークショップ.
  • Izuyama, Atsuko (2012). "Yonaguni". In Tranter, Nicolas (ed.). The Languages of Japan and Korea. Routledge. pp. 412–457. ISBN 978-0-415-46287-7.
  • Lawrence, Wayne P. (2012). "Southern Ryukyuan". In Tranter, Nicolas (ed.). The Languages of Japan and Korea. Routledge. pp. 381–411. ISBN 978-0-415-46287-7.
  • Martin, Samuel E. (1987). The Japanese Language Through Time. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-0372-95.
  • Miyagi, Shin'yū (2003). 石垣方言辞典 [Ishigaki Dialect Dictionary] (in Japanese). Naha: Okinawa Times. ISBN 4-87127-163-3.
  • National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics (2001). 沖縄語辞典 [Okinawan Dictionary] (in Japanese). Zaimushō Insatsu-kyoku.
  • Pellard, Thomas (2008). "Proto-Japonic *e and *o in Eastern Old Japanese". Cahiers de linguistique - Asie Orientale. 37 (2): 133–158. doi:10.1163/1960602808X00055.
  • Pellard, Thomas. "Ryukyuan perspectives on the proto-Japonic vowel system". Japanese/Korean Linguistics. 20. CSLI Publications: 81–96.
  • Pellard, Thomas. 2015. The Linguistic archeology of the Ryukyu Islands. In Heinrich, Patrick and Miyara, Shinsho and Shimoji, Michinori (eds.), Handbook of the Ryukyuan Languages: History, Structure, and Use, 13–37. Berlin: DeGruyter Mouton.

External links

Retrieved from "https://mdwiki.org/wiki/Proto-Ryukyuan_language"