Anglo-Turkish War (1918–1923)

From WikiProjectMed
Jump to navigation Jump to search
Anglo-Turkish War (1918–1923)
Part of The Turkish War of Independence

Turkish forces enter Constantinople under the command of Şükrü Naili Pasha
Date13 November 1918 – 24 July 1923[21]
Location
Constantinople, Mosul,[22] Eskişehir,[23] Turkish straits, Black Sea, and other places in Anatolia
Result

Turkish victory in Constantinople and Anatolia

Stalemate in Mosul[a]
Territorial
changes		 Turkish Nationalists got back Constantinople and the Straits, Turks were saved from the possibility of British Mandatory.
Belligerents
Turkish National Movement
Supported by:

United Kingdom United Kingdom

States simultaneously at war with the Turks:
Rebellions supported by Britain and the Ottoman Empire:[17][18][19][20]
Commanders and leaders
Mustafa Kemal Pasha
Ali Fuat Pasha
Şefik Özdemir Bey
Mahmut Bey		 United Kingdom David Lloyd George
United Kingdom Charles Harrington
United Kingdom George Milne
Sherif Hussein[13]
United Kingdom Major Noel[24]
Strength
28,000 soldiers in Constantinople, unknown in Mosul (5,000 in the Battle of Derbent)[13]

27,419 in Constantinople

Total in Constantinople: ~38,000[25]
unknown in Mosul (7,000 in the Battle of Derbent)[13]

30,000-40,000 in Anatolia[26][27]

The United Kingdom was a belligerent during the Turkish War of Independence. In addition to diplomatic initiatives against the Ottoman Empire and the Ankara government, British Empire forces directly fought the Nationalist Forces on the Al Jazira front and in scattered actions among Anatolian occupation garrisons. The Turks were victorious in Constantinople and Anatolia, with a stalemate resulting in Al Jazira. During the end of the conflict, the United Kingdom almost formally entered the war against the Ankara government in the Chanak Crisis, though its conclusion lead to the fall of the David Lloyd George cabinet and, in the long term, political autonomy for Canada.[28]

De-facto occupation of Constantinople

Allied occupation forces in İstiklal Avenue, Constantinople

The occupation of Constantinople commenced on 13 November 1918. On 7 November, under the pretext of clearing mines, the Allies' navy passed through the Dardanelles on reached the city. First, the Allies' navy, consisting of 61 warships, anchored in front of the capital. With the addition of 11 warships and a Greek battleship, the number of ships anchored in front of Istanbul increased to 73.[29] 3626 soldiers, mostly British, from the Allied Fleet, landed.[29] They were placed in various official and unofficial buildings in Constantinople. Beyoğlu/Pera and the Rumelian coast were left under the control of the British, the Fatih district under the control of the French, and the Anatolian coast under the control of the Italians.[30] Occupation Commander Maitland Wilson established a headquarters with a ceremony at the British Girls' High School in Beyoğlu. The number of ships anchored in front of Constantinople increased to 167 by 15 November.[29]

Politics in Constantinople

Ottoman Parliament

The appointment of Ali Rıza Pasha as Grand Vizier on 3 October 1919, following the resignation of Damat Ferit Pasha, did not please the Allies at all. The nationalist tendencies of some members of this cabinet were not unknown to the Allied representatives in Constantinople. Chief among these members was the Minister of War, Mersinli Cemal Pasha. Cemal Pasha was quick to enter into a conflict over the Allies' military control in Anatolia, in accordance with the Armistice of Mudros.

As soon as Rıza's cabinet was established he announced elections to be held for the Chamber of Deputies. As a result of the elections, the Chamber of Deputies held its first meeting on 12 January 1920, which was dominated by nationalist deputies loyal to Mustafa Kemal Pasha. Parliament secretly passed the National Pact (Misak-ı Millî) on January 28. In other words, the Turkish National Movement challenged the allies, and more importantly, at a time when the Allies were preparing peace terms, the Turks themselves were determining the peace terms they would accept. Moreover, the Sultan Mehmed VI was far from being in control of all these events.

The National Pact and the start of the occupation

During the Allied occupation forces were still in Constantinople, the Ottoman Chamber of Deputies accepted the National Oath on 28 January 1920, which was the political manifesto of the Turkish Nationalists.

The original text of the Misak-ı Millî

The clauses of the Misak-ı Millî were:[31]

  1. The future of the territories inhabited by an Arab majority at the time of the signing of the Armistice of Mudros will be determined by a referendum. On the other hand, the territories which were not occupied at that time and inhabited by a Turkish majority are the homeland of the Turkish nation.
  2. The status of Kars, Ardahan and Batum may be determined by a referendum.
  3. The status of Western Thrace will be determined by the votes of its inhabitants.
  4. The security of Constantinople and the Marmara Sea should be provided for. Transport and free trade on the Straits of the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles will be determined by Turkey and other concerned countries.
  5. The rights of minorities will be issued on condition that the rights of Muslim minorities in neighboring countries are protected.
  6. In order to develop in every field, the country should be independent and free; all restrictions on political, judicial and financial development will be removed.

The National Pact was declared to the public on 17 February 1920, which angered the Allies. They pressed Ottoman government for the decision to be reversed. Failure to revoke the decision resulted in the British raiding of the Şehzadebaşı barracks. The British high commissioner of Constantinople announced that would fully occupy Constantinople fully at 10 A.M.[32] According to the W. S. Edmons, the only true way to punish Turks was "invading Constantinople fully".[33]

Under full occupation

Until September 1922, no serious events occurred in Constantinople. But in Constantinople, some Turkish secret services was founded like "M. M. Grubu" (M. M. Organization). The British also learned of the Karakol group.

Before the Battle of the Sakarya, the position of Turkish army was not good. All the supplies that the Ankara army needed were stored in depots in Constantinople, which were now guarded by Allied soldiers. The secret organizations which were founded by Turkish nationalists raided those depots and brought those materials to the Ankara government.

The Chanak Crisis: The fall of the David Lloyd George government

British pilots of 203 Squadron in Gallipoli in 1922.
Main article: Chanak Crisis

After the Great Offensive, the Turkish army started to moving Straits. The British Councils of Ministers met on 15 September 1922 and said that British soldiers must defend their positions. The next day, in the absence of Foreign Secretary Lord Curzon, some cabinet ministers threatened Turkey with a declaration of war by Britain and its dominions, on the grounds that Turkey had violated the Treaty of Sèvres. Curzon, who returned to his country after discussing this issue in France on 18 September, was recalled by French Prime Minister Raymond Poincaré. Poincaré informed Curzon, who came to France again on 20 September, that the French troops in Chanak had started to withdraw immediately and harshly rebuked him for a ceasefire.[34]

The British people did not want to go to war with the Turks again in Straits. The Dominions announced that they would not send any forces after Prime Minister David Lloyd George did not consult on the issue. Canadian Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King announced that the situation was different from World War I, which broke out 8 years ago, and that the Canadian Parliament had to decide in order to send troops.

The UK Council of Ministers, meeting on 23 September, decided to leave Constantinople and Eastern Thrace to Turkey. Thereupon, the Commander-in-Chief of the Turkish Armies, Mustafa Kemal Pasha, ordered the army to stop. He also offered to negotiate in Mudanya for ceasefire talks. The parties met in Mudanya on October 3. On October 11, the terms of the ceasefire were accepted by the United Kingdom with a 2-hour delay after the British received reinforcements. The Ankara Government was convinced that this reinforcement would not cause any resistance.

A cartoon drawn after David Lloyd George's resignation

The Conservative Party left the government with the Carlton Club meeting on 19 October 1922,[35] and declared that it would enter the next elections separately from the Liberal Party. Thus Lloyd George was left without significant support. Additionally, Lord Curzon announced that he was withdrawing his support from Lloyd George. Lloyd George subsequently resigned as prime minister, never to return as a key figure in party politics.

Mosul, Iraq and Al Jazira

Al Jazira front

While the Turkish War of Independence was continuing in Anatolia, Mustafa Kemal continued his interest in the Al Jazira front, also known as the Mosul front. The most important example of this is undoubtedly the appointment of Cevat Pasha to the Al Jazira Front. It is obvious that Cevat Pasha, who served on the Mesopotamian Front in World War I, was appointed to the position because he knew the region well. After being given the task, Cevat Pasha immediately went to Diyarbakır and took control of the Al Jazira Front.[36] In the following dates, Özdemir Bey and many Turkish officers were sent to Revanduz by Mustafa Kemal to manage the ongoing resistance in the region.[37]

With Sulaymaniyah erupting in revolt on 26 May 1919, four days before the Battle of Ayvalık, it is where the first resistance began and where resistance last ended.[38] The Al Jazira front became the longest-lasting front of the Turkish War of Independence.

Mahmud Barzanji's revolt of May–June 1919

On 23 May 1923 after a few days when Turkish War of Independence officially started, Mahmud Barzanji revolted against British forces with 300 men.[39] During the first stages of the rebellion, Barzanji had some success. He claimed that he was Sheikh.[39][clarification needed] Sheikh Mahmut appeared firstly when Halil Kut Pasha, the commander of the Mesopotamian expedition, handed over to him the management of Suleymaniye,[clarification needed] an Ottoman sanjak.

Kemal and Barzanji were in correspondence during this time.[40] This resistance, which started in Sulaymaniyah, attracted Kemal Pasha's attention. This is evidenced by the fact that he conveyed a congratulatory message to Sheikh Mahmut, who was carrying out military activities in the region, after the Erzurum Congress. However, the message could not reach Sheikh Mahmut. As a result of the attack launched by the British with the support of their air force, Sheikh Mahmud and his men were ambushed and captured in the Bazyan pass between Sulaymaniyah and Kirkuk.[41]

Tal Afar Uprising (1920)

With the capture of Sheikh Mahmud and his exile to Kuwait, the first period of the Kuva-yi Milliye movement in Sulaymaniyah in 1919 ended. After this, resistance efforts shifted to Mosul. Various organizations, especially the "Cemiyet-i Hilaliye" were established there, which gained support with the participation of Arabs who opposed British oppression.[42]

Tal Afar Castle, 2007.

The uprising started again in 1920. The most important of these is the Tal Afar Uprising which took place in late June. Due to the relations of this resistance with Ankara government, this resistance and the following ones were called "Hareketü'l-Kemaliye" (Movement of Kemal).[43]

Tel Afar was captured by the Turkmens with the rebellion led by Lieutenant Colonel Cemil Muhammed Halil Efendi. With the delay in the reinforcements coming from Anatolia, the forward operation to save Mosul remained inconclusive. Learning about the situation, the British entered Tal Afar with the support of the air force and committed a massacre.[citation needed][clarification needed]

Revandiz Rebellion

After what happened in Tal Afar, the resistance continued in Rawanduz. On 1 May 1920, Mustafa Kemal Pasha drew attention to the National Pact and the importance of Mosul in a speech before the Grand National Assembly. According to him Turkey's national borders started from the south of Iskenderun and extended towards the east, including Mosul, Sulaymaniyah and Kirkuk. The British were concerned that Mustafa Kemal Pasha would target Mosul after defeating the Greeks. Tribes in the Revandiz region asked for help from the Ankara government for their rebellion against the British, and Ankara sent a company of three officers and 100 privates to Mosul; On 9 August 1921, Major Şevki Bey was appointed as the commander of Sulaymaniyah. This force was ordered to avoid conflict with the British unless necessary. Despite this order, the company united with the forces of Revandiz Turkmens and raided the British whenever the opportunity arose; To the British who attacked Revandiz with a large force with air support on 16 December 1921;[clarification needed] Babaçiçek suffered great losses in the strait.[44][clarification needed]

The Özdemir expedition

A photo of Mahmud Barzanji

As the attacks by the British against Erbil and Revandiz increased in January 1922, Mustafa Kemal Pasha ordered a militia unit to be sent to the Mosul province in the telegram he sent to the Ministry of National Defense on 1 February 1922. The General Staff focused on the appointment of a commander who knew the local situation, the tribes in the region, tribal traditions, and banditry, and appointed Militia Lieutenant Colonel Şefik Özdemir Bey, who was the commander of the National Forces in Antep, to this position. Mustafa Kemal as Speaker of the Ankara government, delivered a personal instruction to Özdemir, ordering him to undertake the mission as a private individual for the sake of legal fiction.[citation needed]

Özdemir Bey was a capable officer, and organized a successful insurgency in the Mosul region. Departing from Ankara to Revandiz with a skeleton staff, he hoped to fill his ranks with Turkmen and other tribes loyal to the Turkish administration in the region, and from Tunisian and Algerian soldiers who escaped from the French army in Nizip that took refuge with the Turks. Özdemir arrived in Diyarbakır on 22 April where he met with the Al Jazira Front commander Cevat (Çobanlı) Pasha. After some financial problems were resolved, an instruction was given regarding the operation to be carried out by Özdemir Bey. Wherever he went, Özdemir Bey immediately organized on behalf of the Ankara government and reestablished order where government wasn't functioning before. The detachment reached Revandiz on 22 June 1922, after a difficult and tiring journey. The detachment entered Revandiz amidst the enthusiastic welcome of the people, festivities were held, the tribes around came to the city and greeted Özdemir Bey and the detachment; Sacrifices were made and prayers were said. Özdemir Bey immediately established an organization in the region and acted in line with the general wishes of the people. The people, who had been without a government for a long time, applauded and loved Özdemir Bey as the representative of Mustafa Kemal Pasha. The people showed loyalty to Özdemir Bey by calling him Özdemir Pasha.[citation needed]

Özdemir Bey expanded his organization day by day in the region. It went beyond Northern Iraq and into the Lahican region in the south of Rumiye Lake. Defense of Law Associations founded by Turkmens also emerged from behind the scenes and began to conduct their activities in the open. After taking control in Revandiz, Özdemir Bey tried to increase his influence noticeably in centers such as Kirkuk, Sulaymaniyah, Akra and Mosul. In addition to providing a communication network with the telegraph line drawn from Revandiz to Diyarbakır, control was gained in the Akra, Ranya, Erbil and Köysancak regions, making great use of the power of the tribes in the region. Seeing that Turkish rule was expanding day by day, the British attacked Revandiz with 12 planes on 10 July 1922, but they were unsuccessful. Özdemir Bey's troops, who completed their supplies in the region, attacked the British on 31 August 1922. Özdemir Bey's platoon, which won the Battle of Derbent despite British air superiority, shooting down four low-flying British planes and capturing six machine guns, two cannons, and many supplies, in exchange for fourteen killed.[citation needed]

Şefik Özdemir Bey

The Mosul operation

The British, who were worried that Mosul would be completely occupied by the Turks after the Derbent victory, brought Sheikh Mahmut to Sulaymaniyah and officially established the Kurdistan Government as a British mandate on 10 October 1922. Thus, the British thought of preventing Mosul and its surroundings from being connected to Turkey and maintaining their economic interests in the region.[citation needed]

On 7 September 1922 Chief of General Staff Fevzi Pasha ordered that Mosul be taken by arms if necessary. The Al Jazira Front was to attack with all its strength from both sides of the Tigris, along the river towards Mosul. The Eastern Front would be tasked with attacking Mosul-Kirkuk via the Imadiye and Suleymaniye line. Favzi and Kâzım Pasha were assembling a force consisting of an infantry division reinforced by mountain batteries consisting of Van, Hakkari and Iğdır border units, a cavalry brigade, cavalry consisting of tribes, and an aircraft squadron consisting of fast reconnaissance and war planes. Meanwhile, in the telegram sent from Özdemir to the Al Jazira Front Command on 6 November 1922, it was proposed that after the reinforcements reached Revandiz, they would take Zakho, and then one branch would descend on Dohuk from the south, while the other branch would march on Imadiye. Within the framework of the answers received, Özdemir Bey was asked to complete the necessary preparations for the Al Jazira Front by 10 November 1922. The British had started bombing Köysancak, İmadiye and Dinart from the air as of 17 October 1922. The issue that attracted the most attention among the efforts of the Turkish General Staff of the Al Jazira front was reinforcing aircraft divisions.[citation needed]

Conclusion

While these developments were taking place, the Lausanne Conference was under way. The issue that caused the most difficult discussions at the Lausanne Conference was the Mosul Question. In his statements in the Grand National Assembly on 2 January 1923 and 30 January 1923, Mustafa Kemal Pasha stated that the province of Mosul was within the national borders of the Turkish state; He stated that it would not be possible to tear these places away from the motherland and give them as gifts to others. Judging by the news coming from Lausanne, there was a possibility that the conference would collapse, whereupon the Mosul operation would commence. Kemal's statements about Mosul and his request for a plebiscite mobilized the locals against the British. The British aircraft fleet frequently bombed cities, tribal areas, their herds and cultivated areas; The people are fed up with this bombardment. British air attacks continued intermittently until February and March 1923. Following the negotiations initiated in Lausanne, based on the idea that Mosul could be taken back through diplomacy, the Turkish government requested that the planned military operation against Mosul be stopped in the coded telegram it sent to the Al Jazira Front Command.[citation needed]

Özdemir was caught off-guard when he learned about this situation. When this news reached the nationalist organization, the movement in Revandiz and its surroundings suddenly took a different shape and color. In his report sent to the front command on 5 April 1923, Özdemir Bey asked for a ceasefire to be signed with the British so that at least the Revandiz region would remain under Turkish control; He stated that he did not find the diplomatic movement initiated appropriate in this situation. While the Lausanne negotiations were continuing, the British-Iraqi troops in Mosul took forward action again in two directions on 8 April 1923, one towards the Devil's Strait via the Hodran River and the other towards Serderya from the Great Zap River Valley.[where?] The British were inflicted casualties with the raids carried out by Özdemir Bey's detachment on the night of 11/12 April. On the night of 20/21 April, the battle between Özdemir Bey's detachment and the British became even more intense; Unable to hold their own against the British, the detachment decided to withdraw to Iranian territory on 23 April 1923. Özdemir Bey's detachment crossed the steep mountains and reached the town of Ushnu in Iran with its weapons on 29 April 1923. Özdemir Bey asked for his asylum to be accepted in the letter he sent to Yusuf Han, the Iranian military officer in the Savcıbulak area. Özdemir Bey and his platoon entered Turkey from Van's Bahçesaray district on 10 May 1923. The military operation, which was initiated to achieve the National Pact goals, did not yield the expected results due to the lack of necessary support.[45][46][47][48][49][50][51][52][53][54][55]

Anatolia

Black Sea Region

Main article: Samsun Clashes (1920)

On 9 March 1919, when 15th Division Commander Mustafa Asım Bey and Samsun Governor İbrahim Ethem Bey declared martial law in the city, the city was occupied by a 200-man British military detachment, citing the conditions of the Armistice of Mudros.[14] Some of the 150-person Australian and New Zealand Corps forces that arrived later settled in the barracks and some settled in the Samsun Sultani building.[14] Şefik Avni Pasha, who came to Samsun on 7 May 1920, assumed the command of the 15th Division and the division was rearmed with the help of the Grand National Assembly.[56] As a result of the pressure of the 15th Division, British and French troops had to withdraw.[57]

Topal Osman, the leader of the 15th Division.

Eskişehir

British forces occupied Eskişehir Station on 23 January 1919, to inspect the railway line after World War I.[58] Kuva-yi Milliye forces led by Ali Fuat Pasha ended the occupation on 20 March 1920.[23] Later, other battles happened named the First Battle of İnönü, the Second Battle of İnönü, the Battle of Kütahya-Eskişehir and the Great Offensive. Eskişehir had an important role in the Turkish War of Independence.

Ali Fuat Pasha (1882–1968)

Diplomatic actions of the Turks and the British against each other

British diplomatical actions against the Turks

Greece

During the Greco-Turkish war, British government supported Greeks against Turks both diplomatical and financial/gun supply. The British and French government promised Greeks to give 850,000,000 Golden Frank,[59] but because of the government change in Greece, heavily losses in Cilicia, French Government stopped supporting Greeks until a small period between the Battle of Kütahya-Eskişehir and end of the Battle of the Sakarya.[60] The British government were also uneasy, but they preferred to wait. The Greeks, afraid of losing the support of the British, did not liquidate some Venizelist officers.[61] So the support of British's promised continues and gave 850,000,000 Golden Frank. The British support of Greeks were one of the major reasons why Greeks could enter the İnner Anatolia.During the Paris Peace Conference, Venizelos, who wanted a greater Greece, made territorial demands from Anatolia at the conference. He used the power of propaganda, his political skills, population statistics those are debated of its reality and ethnographic maps to justify his demands. These efforts of Venizelos were supported by British Prime Minister Lloyd George, despite the objections of some British statesmen and military administrators. According to Lloyd George, England had to support Greece to fill the power vacuum that would arise in the Eastern Mediterranean with the collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the First World War. As a result of Lloyd George's support, the Supreme Council at the Paris Conference allowed Greece to invade Western Anatolia on May 6.[62]

The British-made BL 6-inch 30 cwt howitzer is in the service of the Greeks during Second Battle of İnönü.

The British government also supplied Greeks with Airco DH.9 and Sopwith Camel 1F.1 airplanes.[63] It is notable to mention that most of the Greek operations (Greek Summer Offensive, Second Battle of İnönü etc.) done because of the British request and support. On 17 February 1920, Lord Curzon wrote to Admiral de Robeck that he had "given the necessary order for the Greek army to attack the Turks."[64] In Toynbee's words, the Greeks were equipped with never-used weapons given by the British and French. The amount of British aid to Greece between 1914 and 1920 exceeded 16 million pounds. British Prime Minister Lloyd George allowed British companies to sell weapons to the Greek army and front. There were no cannon or rifle factories in Greece. Most of the Greek weapons and ammunition were supplied from England. Before the Battle of Sakarya, the "Bank of England" opened a short-term credit to Greece.[65][66] The British supported Greeks with 6in Howitzer in Second Battle of İnönü.[67] British Empire also supported Greeks with winter items.[68] The British help of Greeks with four (4) Gotha WD.13 seaplanes is also notable to mentioned.[69]

David Lloyd George, pro-Greek[70] British Prime Minister who supported Greeks against Turks in Turkish War of Independence.

Armenia

According to the Armistice of Mudros, the Ottoman Caucasusan army must be liquidated. Armenians who wants to use that opportunity, started to trying to get back the cities that Armenians live mostly. During that event, the British supported Armenians with 40,000 rifles.[71] Those rifles helped Armenians in the Turkish-Armenian War.

Ottoman Empire/Kuva-yi Izibatiye

During the Battle of Geyve (15-17 May 1920), British Empire supported Caliphate army which led by Ahmet Anzavur against Turkish Kuva-yi Milliye which led by Ali Fuat Pasha.[72] According to the Philip Jowett, the British supported the Caliphate Army with uniforms and guns.[73]

Turkish diplomatical actions against the British Empire

Treaty of Moscow

In 1917, the people in the Russian Empire, tired of hunger, famine and depression, made the February revolution. Shortly after this event, the October revolution was carried out by the Bolsheviks. The recognition of the Bolsheviks was very low and they were attacked by the Allied Powers (especially the UK and France).[74]

Returning to Turkey, the Turks were dealing with Armenians at east, French and French-backed Armenian legion in the south, Greeks in west, Pontic rebels in north, British in Southeastern Anatolia and there was a lot of uprising started with the provocation by Ottoman government. The Bolsheviks needed recognition and the Ankara government needed ammunition. And both of these countries had a same enemy: The Allies.

Vladimir Lenin, chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, who supported the Turks in the Turkish War of Independence.

But the Bolsheviks had to be able to trust the Turks. This need for trust was eliminated in the First Battle of İnönü. The Bolsheviks and Turkish Nationalists signed Treaty of Moscow. According to the treaty, the Bolsheviks will give 10,000,000 Rubles. In response to this help, Turkish Nationalists gave 800 tons of grain free to the people starving in Volga.[75][76] Thus, these two states supported each other against the British.

Turkish–Armenian War: "Kemal Laughs at Britain"

According to the Treaty of Sèvres, Armenians were getting Kars, Ardahan, Muş etc. This led to a crisis with the Ankara Government, which did not recognize the Treaty of Sèvres. The Turks won the war between 24 September and 2 December and the Treaty of Alexandropol was signed. According to the Treaty of Alexandropol, Armenians had to give the ammunations they had. Because of that, Armenians had to give the 40,000 rifles which they got from the UK. Turkish National Movement's leader Mustafa Kemal Pasha wrote an ironical letter which will go to the David Lloyd George.[71]

Afghanistan

Afghanistan was at war with the British on May 6, 1919. The war ended on August 8, 1919, with the Treaty of Rawalpindi. Afghans lost approximately 1,000 soldiers.[77] The Afghan royal army had suffered a heavy blow in this war and the need for training the army arose.Also, the British army could strike against the Afghanistan.An Afghan delegation went to Moscow to get help from the USSR. Meanwhile, a Turkish delegation was in Moscow. The Turks also needed recognition. On March 1, 1921, these two states signed an agreement with each other. The 4th clause of the agreement says that:

One of the Contracting Parties agrees to repel, with the means and means at its disposal, any attack made on the other by any imperialist State pursuing a policy of invading or colonizing the East, considering it as an attack against the other.

And the 8th clause of the agreement says:

Turkey undertakes to assist Afghanistan in the field of culture, to send teachers and officers, and to keep these teachers and officers on duty for at least five years, and at the end of this period, to send trainers again if Afghanistan wishes.

This agreement increased Turkey's recognition.

Turkish and British propaganda campaigns against each other

During the Turkish War of Independence, both British and Turks done propaganda against each other. The difference was that the British propaganda could effect the world, while the Turkish propaganda was -generally- done to attract people to their side.

British propaganda campaigns against the Turks

Propaganda that Turkish Nationalist cadres are "İttihadists"

According to Avcıoğlu, the tension that started between England and the Ottoman Empire was due to Pan-Islamism, and "the Turkish war in the World War was a relentless Anglo-Turkish war." According to him, the British launched a "crusade" against the Turks, and the Turks declared a "holy war" against England.[78] England, both during the First World War and after the Armistice of Mudros, Turkey primarily targeted the Committee of Union and Progress cadres, and openly described him as an "enemy".

At the end of the war, the Allies wanted to capture the leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress to try them as war criminals. In the first days of the occupation of Constantinople, some members of the Committee of Union and Progress started a campaign against England. It is stated that they made anti-British propaganda.[79] It should be added that in British documents, during the Turkish War of Independence, Bolshevism and İttihadism were generally used with similar meanings.

Damad Ferit Pasa, pro-British Ottoman diplomat, opponent of the Turkish national movement in the Turkish War of Independence.

It is, of course, true that there were members of the Union and Progress Party among the Turkish War of Independence cadres. But England Without wasting any time, they branded everyone who participated in the struggle as Ittihadist and it tried to use the hostility created in public opinion. Accusing the Turkish War of Independence cadres as Ittihadists. They made it one of his goals to discredit the people and prevent them from finding supporters. This was The greatest support to England in this direction came from Damat Ferit Pasha and the supporters of the Turkish War of Independence in Constantinople. came from newspapers. Especially newspapers made accusations of Ittihadism against the Turkish War of Independence cadres. They fed him constantly. Refi Cevat, writer of Alemdar newspaper, in his article dated 17 March 1920, wrote: "He claimed that the Ittihadist movement was resurrected and born under the name of Kuva-yi Milliye. Refi Cevat In another article, for the Turkish War of Independencr cadres, he said, "The form of İttihadism in Anatolia was the opposite of Bolshevism." It is a form of crimson.” he said[80]

Bolshevism propaganda

Another British accusation was that the National Struggle cadres were Bolsheviks. With this propaganda, the United Kingdom aimed to both remind Europe of the Bolshevik danger and to protect the conservatives. It is understood that he aims to influence the Turkish people and the Islamic world in this way. There were many news in this direction in supporting this claim if we look pro-Istanbul government newspapers. The fact that the Russian revolution was still very new at that time left many question marks about communism and Bolshevism. According to the writings on a newspaper called Hakimiyet-i Milliye, communism represents a war against the imperialist British and the national hegemony. It turns out that it is perceived as coming to power. 23 July 1920 of the Hâkimiyet-i Milliye,In its dated no., it is stated that the world is divided into two great armies and these armies are oppressors and capitalists. In the article without signatures, it is stated that the representative of the oppressors is England and Russians are included in the category of oppressed nations.[81]

Mustafa Kemal Pasha, in his speech to the Parliament dated 14 August 1920, stated that he took into account the victimized classes of people and said, "Our nation, as a whole, is the victim and the oppressed." used the expression.[82] In some reports in the British National Archives, military intelligence personally testified about the realism of this accusation. Units about this topic were reported to London.[83] In the report of the British Military Intelligence Directorate dated 19–20 February 1920:

Bolshevism of Turkish politicians is a national danger. There is ample evidence to show that they understood that the successes of the Bolsheviks were mentioned in Turkish propaganda (…) by Great Britain. It is clear that this was done to emphasize that he was defeated. In this way, Turkish Pan-Islamists can hope to find additional material for anti-allied propaganda.[84]

Turkish propaganda campaigns against the British Empire

"The Caliph is Captured" propaganda

American journalist Clarence K. Streit, who came to Ankara during the War of Independence and interviewed Mustafa Kemal Pasha, says that he did not see any effort to incite religious bigotry in Ankara's propaganda. Streit said that the only issue in which religious sentiment was invoked was to remind the villagers that "the Caliph is a prisoner in British hands and must be rescued as soon as possible" he says.[85]

"The Real Enemy of Our Struggle is the British" propaganda

One of the important topics of the Ankara government's propaganda was to instill the idea of 'England as the Real Enemy' into the society. There was no difficulty in spreading this propaganda. Because, first of all, there is already a reaction against the British from the First World War. Since the first day of the arrival of the Allied Navy, this reaction has gradually increased due to the attitudes of the British. Sunata explains one of the reasons for this in his memoirs by saying that among the victorious states that occupied Istanbul, the British showed the most "hostility" towards the Turks.[86]

Notes

  1. ^ The Mosul problem couldn't solved in Lausanne, the problem continues until 1926.

References

  1. ^ Güztoklusu 2008, p. 25
  2. ^ Jewalich, Barbara. History of the Balkans-Twentieth Century, p. 131
  3. ^ Archived, Camil Hasanlı.
  4. ^ Atatürk, Nerimanov ve Kurtuluş Savaşımız- Hüseyin Adıgüzel
  5. ^ Andican, A. Ahat (2007). Turkestan Struggle Abroad From Jadidism to Independence. SOTA Publications. p. 78–81. ISBN 908-0-740-365.
  6. ^ Özbekistan'dan Gelen Bir Haber, 8 April 2017.
  7. ^ Mustafa Kemal Paşa-Kont Sforza Görüşmesi, 19 January 2019.
  8. ^ Sforza, Diario, November 28, 1920, page 61
  9. ^ David Lloyd George, The Truth about the Peace Treaties, v. 2 (Gollancz, London: 1938), page 1348-1349
  10. ^ Michael Smith, Ionian Vision: Greece in Asia Minor, 1919-1922 , University of Michigan Press, 1999.
  11. ^ Gingeras, Ryan (2022). The Last Days of the Ottoman Empire. Dublin: Random House. ISBN 978-0-241-44432-0
  12. ^ Allies occupy Constantinople seize ministries Turkish and British..., 1920/03/18.
  13. ^ a b c d e Güztoklusu 2008, pp. 120-125
  14. ^ a b c Sarısakal, Baki (2002), Bir Kentin Tarihi: Samsun, Samsun: Samsun Valiliği İl Kültür Müdürlüğü Yayınları, p. 27
  15. ^ a b c d Western Society for French History. Meeting: Proceedings of the ... Annual Meeting of the Western Society for French History, New Mexico State University Press, 1996, page 206 Archived 9 June 2022 at the Wayback Machine.
  16. ^ Meydan, Sinan. Cumhuriyet Tarihi Yalanları
  17. ^ Türk İstiklal Harbi Serisi, 6th Volume, “İstiklal Harbinde Ayaklanmalar”, p. 126
  18. ^ Kenan ESENGİN; “Millî Mücadelede Ayaklanmalar, pp.175-189,Kum Saati Yayınları, 2006
  19. ^ M. Şevki YAZMAN, "Anadolu'nun İşgali", pp.83-84,Kum Saati Yayınları, 2006, Istanbul
  20. ^ A. Nedim ÇAKMAK; “İşgal Günlerinde İşbirlikçiler Hüsnüyadis Hortladı”, s.54-55, Kum Saati Yayınları, 2006, İstanbul.
  21. ^ The Forgotten Peace Treaty of World War One, July 24, 2023
  22. ^ Türk-İngiliz Savaşı "From June 1922 to the end of September 1922, there were serious clashes in Mosul between the troops under the command of Özdemir Bey, personally appointed by Atatürk, and the British. On 31 August 1922, the Revandiz Detachment won the Derbent Victory against the British.", May 4, 2020.
  23. ^ a b Cebesoy, Milli Mücadele Hatıraları, p. 357-358: "The second Eskişehir operation lasted a week... The British troops could not stand the violence and certainty of the national operation and retreated in haste. They lost very little in terms of people but a lot in terms of goods."
  24. ^ Ercivan, Ahmet (March 1, 2022). "Operation Revanduz and Mr. Ali Şefik (Özdemir)". Tarih ve Gelecek Dergisi. Bolu: DergiPark. Retrieved June 11, 2024.
  25. ^ a b Özakman, Turgut. Cumhuriyet Türk mucizesi, p. 345
  26. ^ British In Turkey May Be Increased, 1920/06/19
  27. ^ Ronald L. Tarnstrom: Balkan battles, Trogen Books, 1999, ISBN 0922037140, p. 107.
  28. ^ Dawson, Robert Macgregor. William Lyon Mackenzie King: 1874–1923 (1958) pp 401–16
  29. ^ a b c Türkmen, Zekeriya. İstanbul'un İşgali ve İşgal Dönemindeki Uygulamalar (30 Kasım 1918-16 Mart 1920)
  30. ^ Farajova, Turan. Istanbul'un İşgali (18 Kasım 1918-16 Mart 1920) İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, 16 January 2019.
  31. ^ Misak-ı Millî TDV Encyclopedia of Islam.
  32. ^ Harp Tarihi Vesikaları Dergisi, p. 22, and p. 557
  33. ^ Salâhi R. Sonyel, Turkish War of Independence and Foreign Policy, Volume I, Ankara 1978, p. 205.
  34. ^ Macfie, A. L. "The Chanak Affair (September–October 1922)", Balkan Studies 1979, Vol. 20 Issue 2, pp 309–341.
  35. ^ Morgan, Kenneth O. (1979). "The Downfall of the Coalition: Foreign Policy". Consensus and Disunity: The Lloyd George Coalition Government 1918–1922. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Pp. 302-330. ISBN 0198224974.
  36. ^ Güztoklusu 2008, p.91
  37. ^ Güztoklusu 2008, pp. 101-103
  38. ^ Güztoklusu 2008, pp. 41-42
  39. ^ a b David (1997). A Modern History of the Kurds. Bloomsbury Academic. pp. 155–160
  40. ^ ATATÜRK, Kemal Mustafa(2015) 51. Vesika, Nutuk Vesikalar Cildi.
  41. ^ Güztoklusu 2008, p. 37-45
  42. ^ Güztoklusu 2008, p. 55
  43. ^ ABOŞ, Kahtan Ahmet from Tal Afar, El Tavratul Tal Afar (Tal Afar revolution)
  44. ^ Güztoklusu, 2008, p.69
  45. ^ Atatürk’ün Söylev ve Demeçleri, Cilt I, Ankara 1989.
  46. ^ Başbakanlık Cumhuriyet Arşivi.
  47. ^ Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi.
  48. ^ Gnkur. ATASE Başkanlığı Arşivi.
  49. ^ ÖKE, Mim Kemal, Musul Meselesi Kronolojisi (1918-1926), İstanbul 1987.
  50. ^ Türk İstiklal Harbi, Güney Cephesi, Genelkurmay Basımevi, Ankara 1966.
  51. ^ Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Arşivi, Şefik Özdemir Bey Dosyası.
  52. ^ TÜRKMEN, Zekeriya, “Özdemir Bey’in Musul Harekâtı ve İngilizlerin Karşı Tedbirleri (1922-1923)”, Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi, S 49, Ankara 2001.
  53. ^ TÜRKMEN, Zekeriya, Musul Meselesi, Askerî Yönden Çözüm Arayışları (1922-1925), Ankara 2003.
  54. ^ TÜRKMEN, Zekeriya, Yeni Devletin Şafağında Mustafa Kemal, Ankara 2002.
  55. ^ ÜZEL, Sahir, İstiklal Savaşımız Esnasında Kürtlük Cereyanları ve Irak-Revandiz Harekâtı, Resmî Vesaike Müstenit Harp Tarihi (Daktilo Metin), ATASE Bşk.lığı Kütüphanesi, İstiklal nr: 215.
  56. ^ Sarısakal, Baki (2002), Bir Kentin Tarihi: Samsun, Samsun: Samsun Valiliği İl Kültür Müdürlüğü Yayınları, p. 43
  57. ^ Nutku, Emrullah (1962). "Giresunlu Osman Ağa". Yakın Tarihimiz. Volume 4. p. 85.
  58. ^ Kurtuluş Savaşında Eskişehir, 5 April 2008
  59. ^ Veremis, T. (1983). "Two letters - Memoranda of E. Venizelos to Winston Churchill", p. 347
  60. ^ Greco-Turkish War (1919-1922)#Cite Note-17
  61. ^ Turgut Özakman, Şu Çılgın Türkler (115th edition, September 2005), p. 23: Sevr Antlaşması'nı ve tabii Üçlü Anlaşma'yı milliyetçilere silah zoruyla kabul ettirmek görevi, İngilizlerin aracılığıyla Yunan ordusuna önerilir, o da kabul eder. Yunan hükümeti, bu hizmetine karşılık, İzmir ve Doğu Trakya'dan başka, İstanbul'un da Yunanistan'a verileceği ümidine kapılır. Fakat beklenilmeyen bir olay Yunanistan'ı karıştıracaktır. Kral Aleksandros ölür. Venizelos, Konstantin'in tahta geri dönmesini engellemek için seçimleri yenilemeye karar verir ve seçime "ya Konstantin, ya ben!" sloganıyla girer. Halk Konstantin'i ve onu destekleyen partiyi seçer. Venizelos yurtdışına kaçar. Vaktiyle Konstantin'in devrilmesine yardım etmiş olan Fransız hükümeti, Konstantin'e ve muhalefete oy veren Yunan halkına kızar ve yeni iktidara karşı tavır alır. İngilizler de tedirgin olurlar ama tavır almak için beklemeyi tercih ederler. Venizelos'un sürgüne yolladığı, hapse attırdığı siviller ve askerler, tıpkı Hürriyet ve İtilaf Partililer gibi, iktidar özlemi ve kinle tutuşmuş bir halde yeniden sahnede boy gösterirler. Kralcı General Papulas, Anadolu'daki Yunan ordusunun komutanlığa atanır. İktidar, Anadolu'yu boşalttığı takdirde, Yunanistan'ın Fransa ve İtalya'dan sonra, İngiltere'nin de desteğini kaybedip yalnız kalacağını anlar; azdırdıkları Anadolu Rumlarını yazgılarıyla baş başa bırakmayı da göze alamaz. Sonunda Venizelos'un yayılmacı politikasını ve İngilizlerin askeri olmayı kabul eder. Bu sebeple Anadolu olaylarını iyi bilen bazı Venizeloscu komutanlara dokunmaz. ("The task of forcing the nationalists to accept the Treaty of Sèvres and of course the Tripartite Agreement at gunpoint was offered to the Greek army through the British, and it accepted it. In return for this service, the Greek government hoped that, in addition to Izmir and Eastern Thrace, Istanbul would also be given to Greece. However, an unexpected event will confuse Greece. King Alexander dies. Venizelos decides to renew the elections in order to prevent Constantine's return to the throne and enters the elections with the slogan "Constantine or me!". The people elect Constantine and the party that supports him. Venizelos flees abroad. The French government, which had once helped overthrow Constantine, is angry with Constantine and the Greek people who voted for the opposition, and takes a stand against the new government. The British were also uneasy, but preferred to wait to take a stand. The civilians and soldiers exiled and imprisoned by Venizelos reappeared on the stage, just like the members of the Freedom and Accord Party, fuelled by a longing for power and a grudge. The royalist General Papoulas was appointed commander of the Greek army in Anatolia. The government realised that if it evacuated Anatolia, Greece would lose the support of Britain, after France and Italy, and would be left alone; it could not afford to leave the Anatolian Greeks, whom they had been inflaming, alone with their fate. In the end, he accepted Venizelos' expansionist policy and to become a soldier of the British. For this reason, he did not touch some of the Venizelist commanders who knew the Anatolian events well.")
  62. ^ The British Role In Greek Landing at Smyrna, 2019.
  63. ^ Philip Jowett-Armies of the Greek-Turkish War, page 206 "... British Airco DH.9 reconnaissance bombers and Sopwith Camel 1F.1 fighters. The Greeks are reported to have assigned 55 aircraft of all types to Asia Minor, in one Navy and four Army squadrons. The Turkish Nationalists began the war with ..."
  64. ^ Ululeben,Turkey in the English secret documents, 2009, p.236
  65. ^ Avcıoğlu 1979, p. 162
  66. ^ Bilal Şimşir, Sakarya'dan İzmir'e, pp. 160, 197, 198
  67. ^ Armies of the Greek-Turkish War,Philip Jowett, "... of armaments to the Nationalists; when one Italian supplier was asked why he was selling weapons to his country's former enemy, he replied candidly 'because they pay'. 1443 The Greek crew of an elderly British 6in howitzer."
  68. ^ Armies of the Greek-Turkish War by Philip Jowett, "... British and US Army models. Greek officers wore both long and short models of double-breasted greatcoat. Some winter items like pullovers may have been supplied by the Entente powers from their surplus stores, and others would have been ...British to supply them with 200,000 pairs of woollen socks but, as with."
  69. ^ Armies of the Greek-Turkish War by Philip Jowett, "... British Airco DH.9 reconnaissance bombers and Sopwith Camel 1F.1 fighters. The Greeks are reported to have assigned ... working in Germany. A Naval Flying Service was also formed, with four Gotha WD.13 seaplanes that had been smuggled ...
  70. ^ Stavros T. Stavridis,Hail, Lloyd George!, 2019-07-09
  71. ^ a b Kemal Laughs at Britain, Sends Thanks for 40000 Rifles the Armenians Surrendered, 6 January 1921
  72. ^ Hilafet Ordusu ve Kuva-yi Milliye ile çatışmaları
  73. ^ Philip Jowett, Armies of The Greek-Turkish War,... British officers . Caliphate Army uniforms , 1920-22 The ineffectual Caliphate Army continued to use pre - 1918 Ottoman Army uniforms and rank insignia . The majority of Caliphate soldiers continued to wear the kabalak ( see Plate D1 ) ...
  74. ^ Russian Civil War-Intervention, Allies and Bolsheviks "The Allied governments now had to decide on their policy in the confused Russian situation. The original purpose of intervention, to revive an eastern front against Germany, was now meaningless. Russian exiles argued that, since the pre-Bolshevik governments of Russia had remained loyal to the Allies, the Allies were bound to help them. To this moral argument was added the political argument that the Communist regime in Moscow was a menace to the whole of Europe, with its subversive propaganda and its determination to spread revolution. At the beginning of 1919 the French and Italian governments favoured strong support (in the form of munitions and supplies rather than in men) to the Whites (as the anti-Communist forces now came to be called), while the British and U.S. governments were more cautious and even hoped to reconcile the warring Russian parties. In January the Allies, on U.S. initiative, proposed to all Russian belligerents to hold armistice talks on the island of Prinkipo in the Sea of Marmara. The Communists accepted, but the Whites refused. In March the U.S. diplomat William C. Bullitt went to Moscow and returned with peace proposals from the Communists, which were not accepted by the Allies. After this the Allies ceased trying to come to terms with the Communists and gave increased assistance to Kolchak and Denikin."
  75. ^ Özakman, Turgut. Şu Çılgın Türkler, p. 27
  76. ^ A. Şemsutdinov, A bad-day friend, p. 241
  77. ^ Lee, Jonathan (2019). Afghanistan: A History from 1260 to the Present. Reaktion Books,p. 459
  78. ^ Avcıoğlu, D. (1979). Millî Kurtuluş Tarihi 1838’den 1995’e Birinci kitap Emperyalizm karşısında Türk ydının almazlığı ve tam bağımsızlık. Tekin Yayınevi, p. 71
  79. ^ Kitsikis, D., Greek Propaganda, p. 211
  80. ^ Uğur, M. (Ed.). (2018). Türk Basın Tarihi Uluslararası Sempozyumu, 19–21 October 2016, Elazığ. (2nd Volume). Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi, p. 1067
  81. ^ Hakimiyet-i Millîye newspaper, 23 July 1920, p. 1
  82. ^ TBMM Minutes, Circuit 1, Volume: 3, Year: 1, 48. Ijtima, 14 August 1920
  83. ^ Avcıoğlu, 1979, pp. 651, 660, 690
  84. ^ F. O 371, E340/262/44, NO: 94892 (M.2B), 19, 20 February 1920
  85. ^ Streit, C. K., Lowry, H. W., & Öztürk, M. A. (2011). Unknown Turks: Mustafa Kemal Pasha, Nationalist Ankara and Regular Life in Anatolia, January–March 1921. Bahçeşehir Universty, p. 88
  86. ^ Sunata, İ H. (2006). İstanbul’da işgal yılları. Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, p. 18

Sources

Bibliography
Retrieved from "https://mdwiki.org/wiki/Anglo-Turkish_War_(1918–1923)"